liberty


Imprimis sinks into the mud

For many years and through many address changes, Hillsdale College has regularly sent me its print newsletter, Imprimis, for free. I sometimes look at it. It’s been known to have good articles. The lead piece in the March/April 2026 issue, though, has me inclined to put each one straight into recycling.

The piece in question, by Edward J. Erler, is titled “Are We Subjects or Citizens? Birthright Citizenship and the Constitution.” It says, “Many believe that this policy is an explicit command of the Constitution, consistent with the British common law system. But this is simply not true.”

Already the presentation is suspicious. The birthright citizenship clause is a declaration of who is a citizen, not a command. It isn’t about British common law.

A little further, he claims that “the idea of birthright citizenship … is derived from feudal law. It is the relation of master and servant…” That’s complete nonsense. The main goal of the Constitutional clause in question was to affirm that former slaves born in the United States have the rights of citizenship. In other words, to destroy the involuntary relation of master and servant.

The article tries to portray citizenship as an obligation bound on people, a form of serfdom. It does come with obligations, but on balance, it’s a benefit which people want to keep. It lets a person vote (subject to other requirements, such as age). It gives stronger protection under the law. It’s supposed to make a person immune from deportation, though lately this hasn’t always been observed.

Erler goes through various dodges, citing irrelevant history. He argues that jurisdiction “connoted ‘complete jurisdiction’ — in other words, not owing allegiance to anyone else.” If someone born in the US claims citizenship in another country on the basis of their parents, it seems reasonable at least to question their US citizenship. But in most cases, we’re talking about people who have lived in the US since their birth and don’t think of themselves as citizens of any other country. Foreign diplomats are an often-mentioned exception; they aren’t subject to US jurisdiction, and their children normally aren’t considered citizens. He’s not talking about dual citizenship or diplomatic immunity, though, but setting up a spurious claim about allegiance.

He declares that “‘subject to the jurisdiction’ does not simply mean, as is commonly thought, subject to American laws or American courts. It means owing exclusive political allegiance to the U.S.” If it’s “commonly thought” that jurisdiction means the sphere in which laws may be enforced and courts may act, that’s because because it does.

The implications of Erler’s doctrine are frightening. Citizenship would no longer be guaranteed by the Constitution to any American; it would depend on our attitudes as perceived by the government. If “allegiance” is a precondition of citizenship, then even people descended from the Pilgrims could have it revoked if the government calls their allegiance in doubt. For all I can tell, refusing to recite the Pledge to the Flag might be deemed enough to establish lack of allegiance. The title’s significance now becomes clear; Erler is saying we’re subjects, required to give fealty to the government.

It’s the same game as “creation science” or Holocaust denial. The aim is to create the impression of a two-sided question where there isn’t one, to make people think there’s a controversy over whether “jurisdiction” means jurisdiction or something else.

Not all arguments against birthright citizenship are dishonest on their face, even though I don’t think they’re valid. For instance, someone could argue that many countries have citizenship by parentage rather than place of birth and their claim takes precedence. My understanding is that if people born in the US don’t go to their parents’ homeland and don’t ask for citizenship, they’re US citizens and not subject to the rule of their parents’ country. The US took this position in the War of 1812.

Any publication will have articles I disagree with and even some I consider stupid. Pretending that denying people citizenship is saving them from serfdom, though, is absurd. A publication that claims to have editorial principles but features dishonest articles on its front page doesn’t get my respect.


The apocalyptic mindset 3

It’s hard for me to understand the popularity of authoritarian movements. Why would people willingly cede power to someone whose overriding goal is power? Yet it’s happened over and over. Lately I’ve been looking at comments on the Internet and seeing a strong pattern. They see the world as facing an apocalyptic battle between two utterly opposed forces. Their side is good, and anyone who opposes it must be evil. Not only that, their opponents are all on the same side. It’s hard to think of immigrants, Constitutional lawyers, liberals (in all the senses of the word), Muslims, socialists, and the Pope all as a unified front, but to orthodox MAGAs they are.

Evangelical Christianity, which is the heart of Trump’s support, loves the idea that history is a struggle between Satanic and divine forces, and they expect it to culminate in a world war which God, of course, will win. It colors people’s worldview even when they aren’t thinking of supernatural forces. It’s their habit to think of political conflicts as fights between two fully consistent and completely opposed forces. It’s a view that doesn’t leave much room for good people who disagree, honestly mistaken ideas, and people who aren’t wholly on one side or the other.

When you accept this view, it’s reasonable to think anyone on your side is completely trustworthy, anyone opposed is a thorough liar, and anything which supports your side must be right. Anything your side does is good, including threatening to destroy a civilization. It helps if the civilization to be destroyed is aligned with a non-Christian religion.

In praying to God from the Pentagon, “Secretary of War” Hegseth raged: “Let every round find its mark against the enemies of righteousness and our great nation. Give them wisdom in every decision, endurance for the trial ahead, unbreakable unity, and overwhelming violence of action against those who deserve no mercy.”

Jackson Lahmeyer, a Trump-aligned candidate from Oklahoma who is also an Evangelical pastor, proclaimed, “Good and evil, that’s the story of the Bible. The good news is that at the end good always wins.” Look at chapter 16 of Revelation, if you have the stomach for it. Angels spread skin disease, pollute the seas and fresh water, cause deadly heat waves, and dry up a major river. They’re allegedly working for God, so this makes them “good.”

The Crusades were run on the same mindset. Armies set out to take Jerusalem and the surrounding area because “God wills it!” When the Crusaders took the city in 1099, they massacred thousands of people, mostly Muslims and Jews. They considered their own side “good” not because of their character or deeds, but because they claimed to be on God’s side. They could cite Biblical precedents, such as the genocide of the Canaanites.

Communicating with people who look at the world that way is hard. By the very fact of disagreeing with them, you’re on the side of “evil.” The important thing is to reject their worldview vocally and persistently.


Book discussion: It Can’t Happen Here

Sinclair Lewis’s novel of an American dictatorship, It Can’t Happen Here, seems even more timely today than when it was published in 1935. It tells of the election of Buzz Windrip as president, his seizure of absolute power, and how it affects people.

Cover of It Can't Happen Here by Sinclair LewisWindrip is so Trump-like you might think Lewis had a crystal ball looking into our present. He aims for total control while posturing as an ordinary, unassuming person. His platform is incoherent, laced with bigotry while appealing to the “Forgotten Man.” His Cabinet selections are based on personal loyalty. He has a personal police force, the “Minute Men,” to intimidate his critics. He even has an advisor who is smarter and more ruthless than he is.

What make’s Windrip’s success possible is the complacency and indifference of the American people. As he plainly says he’s going to reduce Congress to an advisory capacity, people think he’s just going to fix the country up. The novel’s main focus isn’t on the centers of power but on Doremus Jessup, the publisher of a small Vermont newspaper who’s trying to make sense of it all. This lets Lewis show how people react to Windrip before and after his takeover. Once he’s in office, he immediately suppresses the legislative and judicial branches, which give him no further trouble.

Lewis had seen what had happened in twentieth-century Russia, Germany, and Italy. He knew the USA wasn’t immune. Reading the novel gives a better understanding of what’s happening — and what could happen — today.


Gagging social media in Methuen 4

The city of Methuen, Massachusetts, has adopted a resolution to restrict access to social media on city-owned devices. The announcement states that “City-owned devices and networks in City buildings and City-run youth programs will limit access to social media for minors under 16 whenever feasible.” This would clearly apply to Methuen’s Nevins Library, which provides computers for public use.

The statement has the tone of fanaticism that’s gone so far over the edge that it doesn’t even require yelling; of course every reasonable person will agree with it, won’t you? It’s FOR THE CHILDREN! The council favorably cites Australia’s total ban on use of social media by anyone under 16. The statement expresses hope for nationwide restrictions: “The Council also formally endorsed Mayor Beauregard’s commitment to advocate for state and federal policies that restrict social media access for children under 16 and strengthen youth digital safety protections nationwide.”

It’s the familiar idea that libraries should reject or restrict access to anything deemed “harmful to minors,” where “harmful” has a very broad definition. It’s the same mindset that demands they keep all books on certain topics away from kids’ eyes.

Nevins Memorial Library, Methuen, Mass.On Saturday I went to tne Nevins Library to find out how it’s going to be affected. The people working there said they hadn’t received any direct communication, even though the impact will fall most heavily on them. They don’t know what’s going to be expected of them.

The term “social media” can encompass any Internet service that enables public conversation. Restrictions on using social media are restrictions on discussion. Sometimes these discussions are vitally important to young people, especially if they’re dealing with domestic abuse or have issues they’re afraid to raise with their parents. They can help to get information for personal or educational reasons, and often people make friends from distant places and different cultures.

A lot of basic information is found on social media. YouTube is generally considered a social media site; anyone can upload videos, and most of them are open for comments. Many businesses use their Facebook page as their main Internet presence. Telling kids they can’t use these sites or subjecting them to heavy restrictions will cut them off from a lot of information.

The present situation is reminiscent of panics in which kids had to be “protected” from novels, comic books, rock’n’roll, TV, and video games. Who will protect us from the protectors?


Book discussion: Fighting for the Freedom to Learn

The history of what’s known as “school choice” is more convoluted than I had realized. Fighting for the Freedom to Learn, from the Cato Institute, maps out that history in a set of twelve essays by different authors. Together, they add up to a narrative from the colonial era to modern times in the United States. The book is less polemic than its title may sound, providing a lot of information for anyone interested in the history of American education.

This isn’t an area where I have much knowledge, so I can’t say confidently how accurate it is. I can say that it presents an informational tone, has lots of end notes, and doesn’t say anything that looks obviously suspicious.

Most people today look at advocacy of school choice as an exclusively right-wing issue. (Everything today is a right-wing or left-wing issue.) In the past, though, it’s been complicated. Today we think of public schools as secular institutions, but for much of our history they were tools of nativist Protestant hegemony. I’m old enough to remember being told in school to pray to “Our Father.” In the first half of the nineteenth century,

A crucial factor of the development of the state role in education was an expansion of the concept of the citizen. With increased discussion of alternative forms of political authority, there was a renewed appreciation of Aristotle’s argument that citizens should be shaped by state-directed education to match the form of government under which they would live.

The concern increased along with the growth in Irish immigration, which was mostly Catholic. Senator James Blaine promoted state constitutional amendments, as well as unsuccessfully urging a national one, barring the granting of government funds to religious schools, while insisting that they could “not be construed to prohibit the reading of the Bible in any school or Institution.” By “the Bible,” he meant the King James Bible. The target of the amendments was Catholic schools.

The authors acknowledge that following the Supreme Court’s Brown decision and the Civil Rights Act, many segregationists saw private schools as a way to maintain racial purity, but they insist this is far from the whole story. Public schools with predominantly black student bodies often got a bad deal (and sometimes still do).

Throughout American history, people from all walks of life have sought educational options for a variety of pressing reasons, most of them rooted in freedom. The roots on the left are deep and fascinating. They are found in the centuries-old struggle for educational opportunity in the black experience, in the liberal academics who saw vouchers as a tool in the War on Poverty, in the counterculture dissidents who sparked the “free schools” and homeschooling movements, and even, for 20 years, in the Democratic Party’s national platform.

There’s a lot to learn from this book. I recommend it to people interested in American educational history.